The latest chapter of the Greek crisis, which started with the electoral victory of the left wing Syriza party in January 2015, is reaching its close. The final deadline for reaching an agreement in principle to negotiate a new bailout has been set for Sunday, 12 July by the European Council.

This last chance given to Tsipras by his European colleagues, despite the resounding “no” in last Sunday’s referendum, does not raise much optimism in Brussels. One, and possibly the only, positive outcome of the referendum may be that the other mainstream Greek political parties have formally decided to support his negotiations. The Greek Prime Minister is now less dependent on the extremist wing of his party and he will have more flexibility in obtaining approval for difficult reforms at home. Tsipras even promised to have some measures on pensions and taxes approved as early as next week.

For the first time, the European institutions and the major Member States are seriously considering the option of Greece exiting the euro. This could happen soon after Sunday’s deadline, if the Eurozone Member States and the European institutions refuse to give Greece the aid it badly needs. In contrast to the crisis in 2010, the financial stability of the euro area as a whole is not in question. The financial markets remain quiet, with the spread between the German and Italian/Spanish 10 year bonds growing only modestly in the last few days. So far the Greek case has not spilled over to other Member States. Additionally, on 16 June 2015, the European Court of Justice upheld the European Central Bank’s Outright Monetary Transactions program (‘OMT’), allowing the bank to fully implement the program if needed.

It is unlikely that EU Member States will agree to address the fundamental issue of debt relief. Most economists, and even the IMF, consider the Greek debt to be unsustainable. Nonetheless, some EU countries are not yet prepared to address it. This includes not only Germany but also the new Member States, most of them poorer than Greece, and also countries like Ireland and Portugal, which had to implement painful austerity programs. However, this is mainly a political issue rather than a substantive financial problem, because no significant reimbursement is due to the other Member States before 2023 under the EFSM and the ESM arrangements.

Most experts consider that an orderly Grexit will be very difficult to implement. There is no legal basis in the EU Treaties to expel Greece from the euro, and Greece will probably not accept a formal decision to do so. Instead, it is more likely that a Grexit will be triggered by the collapse of the Greek banking system if the ECB ends the emergency lending to Greek banks. Moreover, it is difficult to plan for a Grexit while negotiations are still ongoing because any Grexit preparations will risk creating a self-fulfilling prophecy.

The wider implications for Europe of a potential Grexit will be far reaching in several respects:

  • A Grexit will damage the image of the EU in the world. And the credibility of the Eurozone will suffer when it is realised that membership is not irreversible.
  • Politically it will be a mark on the political legacy of German Chancellor Angela Merkel who, since the beginning of the Eurozone crisis in 2010, has favoured respect for the treaty commitments including implementation of the rules. A break up of the Eurozone is a great failure politically as Germany is the biggest supporter European integration.
  • The Eurozone countries have contributed in a massive way and in particular Germany, to financially support Eurozone countries in need, in particular Greece. Eurozone countries will need to write off huge amount of loans which will create a heated public debate in Member States and will feed the negative sentiment towards the euro in Member States.
  • At an institutional level, a Grexit will bolster calls for further fiscal and monetary integration of the Eurozone to prevent a new crisis.
  • It will also accelerate the establishment of a two-speed Europe, with the members of the Eurozone at its core and other Member States on the periphery.
  • A Grexit will also put Greece at risk of a severe humanitarian crisis, with an enormous brain drain of young people as it struggles to cope with an influx of immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa. A Grexit may also destabilise the Balkan region.

If a Grexit leads to a Greek departure from the European Union (which is still mainly a theoretical possibility), the geopolitical impact could be dramatic.

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Photo of Stuart E. Eizenstat Stuart E. Eizenstat

Ambassador Stuart E. Eizenstat is Senior Counsel  in Covington & Burling LLP’s international practice. His work at Covington focuses on resolving international trade problems and business disputes with the U.S. and foreign governments, and international business transactions and regulations on behalf…

Ambassador Stuart E. Eizenstat is Senior Counsel  in Covington & Burling LLP’s international practice. His work at Covington focuses on resolving international trade problems and business disputes with the U.S. and foreign governments, and international business transactions and regulations on behalf of U.S. companies and others around the world. He was an Adjunct Lecturer at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government (1982-1991), where he taught a course on presidential decision-making. He has been a Guest Scholar at the Brookings Institution (1981) and the Woodrow Wilson Center (2001).

During a decade and a half of public service in six U.S. administrations, Ambassador Eizenstat has held a number of key senior positions, including Chief White House Domestic Policy Adviser to President Jimmy Carter (1977-1981); U.S. Ambassador to the European Union, Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade, Under Secretary of State for Economic, Business and Agricultural Affairs, and Deputy Secretary of the Treasury in the Clinton Administration (1993-2001).

In the Carter White House, he was major figure in all the domestic legislative achievements of the Carter Administration. He also recommended to President Carter a Presidential Commission on the Holocaust, headed by Elie Wiesel, which led directly to the congressional approval of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.

During the Clinton Administration, he had a prominent role in the development of key international initiatives, including the negotiations of the Transatlantic Agenda with the European Union (establishing the framework for the  U.S. relationship with the EU); the development of the Transatlantic Business Dialogue (TABD) among European and US CEOs; the negotiation of agreements with the European Union regarding the Helms-Burton Act and the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act; the negotiation of the Japan Port Agreement with the Japanese government; and the negotiation of the Kyoto Protocol on global warming, where he led the  U.S. delegation.

Much of the interest in providing belated justice for victims of the Holocaust and other victims of Nazi tyranny during World War II was the result of his leadership of the Clinton Administration as Special Representative of the President and Secretary of State on Holocaust-Era Issues, while continuing to hold his other Senate-confirmed positions. He successfully negotiated major agreements with the Swiss, Germans, Austrian and French, and other European countries, covering restitution of property, payment for slave and forced laborers, recovery of looted art, bank accounts, and payment of insurance policies. He was the principal negotiator of the 1998 Washington Principles on Nazi-Confiscated Art with 44 countries, which continues to be a basis for recovery and compensation for Nazi-looted art. His book on these events, Imperfect Justice: Looted Assets, Slave Labor, and the Unfinished Business of World War II, has been favorably received in publications like the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, Business Week, and Publisher’s Weekly. It has been translated into German, French, Czech and Hebrew.

In addition, during the Obama administration, he served as Special Adviser on Holocaust-Era Issues to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Secretary of State John Kerry (2009-2017). During this period of his public service, Ambassador Eizenstat negotiated significant Holocaust-related agreement with the governments of Lithuania (2011), and with France (2014), regarding the deportation of Jews on the French railway. During this time, he was also the principal U.S. negotiator for the Terezin Declaration with 47 countries (2009), which strengthened the Washington Principles on Nazi-Confiscated Art and urging measures to assist the social welfare of poor, elderly Holocaust survivors, and the agreement with over 40 countries on Best Practices and Guidelines for the Restitution and/or Compensation of Private (Immovable) Property Confiscated by the Nazis and their Collaborators Between 1933-1945. In the Obama Administration, he also served on the Defense Policy Board, for Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel and Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter.

During the Trump administration, he was appointed by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo as Expert Adviser to the State Department on Holocaust-Era Issues (2008-2021).

In the Biden administration, he is currently serving as Special Adviser to Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Holocaust Issues. In this capacity, he played a major role in the negotiation of the Best Practices for the Washington Principles on Nazi-Confiscated Art (2024), now supported by 25 countries. He was appointed by President Biden as Chairman of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Council (2022-present).

Since 2009, he has served as pro bono Special Negotiator for the Jewish Claims Conference in negotiations with the German government, obtaining billions of dollars of benefits for poor Holocaust survivors, for home care, social and medical services, enhanced pensions, hardship payments, child survivor and Kindertransport survivors, special supplemental payments for the poorest of the poor, and worldwide educational benefits.

Ambassador Eizenstat has received more than eighty awards, including eight honorary doctorate degrees from universities and academic institutions. He has been awarded high civilian awards from the governments of France (two Legions of Honor awards in 2004 and 2024), Germany, Austria, Israel, Belgium and Lithuania, as well as from Secretary of State Warren Christopher, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, and the Alexander Hamilton Award from Secretary of the Treasury Lawrence Summers. In 2003, he received the Great Negotiator Award from Harvard Law School. In 2007, he was named “The Leading Lawyer in International Trade” in Washington, DC by Legal Times. His articles appear in The New York Times, Financial Times, International Herald Tribune, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, USA Today,  Foreign Policy magazine, and Foreign Affairs magazine, on a variety of international and domestic topics. He was the co-author of Andrew Young: The Path to History (1973), which chronicled how Andrew Young became for the first African American to win a congressional seat in the Deep South since Reconstruction following the Civil War.

His book President Carter: The White House Years (2018, 2020) is a definitive history of the Carter administration, which has been favorably reviewed by The New York Times, The Washington Post, National Review, National Interest, Minneapolis Star Tribune, Moment Magazine, and many other publications. His most recent book is The Art of Diplomacy: How American Negotiators Reached Historic Agreements That Changed the World (20240,which has also won accolades from a variety of publications.

Ambassador Eizenstat grew up in Atlanta and was educated in its  public schools. He was All-City and Honorable Mention All-American (Dell Sports Magazine) in basketball.  He is a Phi Beta Kappa, cum laude graduate of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where he was inducted into the Order of the Old Well and Golden Fleece Society, and has an endowed chair in his name, The Ambassador Stuart E. Eizenstat Chair of Modern Jewish History. He is a graduate  of Harvard Law School. He was  married for 45 years to the late Frances Eizenstat and has two sons, eight grandchildren, and one great-grandson.

Photo of Jean De Ruyt Jean De Ruyt

Ambassador Jean De Ruyt is a senior public policy advisor in Covington’s EU public policy team.  Jean, a non-lawyer, is among the most experienced diplomats in Europe.  Most recently, he served as the Permanent Representative of Belgium to the European Union and was chair…

Ambassador Jean De Ruyt is a senior public policy advisor in Covington’s EU public policy team.  Jean, a non-lawyer, is among the most experienced diplomats in Europe.  Most recently, he served as the Permanent Representative of Belgium to the European Union and was chair of the Committee of Permanent Representatives during the 2010 Belgian Presidency of the Council.

Jean works with Covington’s transatlantic government affairs team, which includes experienced lawyers as well as former senior policymakers.  The team advises clients on a range of European public affairs issues, including the EU policy-making processes, functioning of the European institutions, development of EU legislation and accession of new EU members. Jean has particular expertise in the workings of the EU Council and EU institutions more broadly, transatlantic relations and United Nations development policy.

Jean was closely involved in Europe’s response to the financial crisis and the resulting legislation at the European level.  He was instrumental in the creation of the European diplomatic service and, as the Permanent Representative, facilitated the resolution of a variety of state aid and competition policy disputes for Belgian companies.

Jean was involved in the negotiation of the European Single Act and the Nice and Lisbon Treaties, in initiatives relating to the implementation of the Oslo agreements in the Middle East and in the rebuilding of peace in Central Africa.  He also participated in the stabilisation of former Yugoslavia and the development of NATO and European Defence.