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Matthew Shapanka

Matthew Shapanka practices at the intersection of law, policy, and politics, developing strategies to guide businesses facing complex legislative, regulatory, and investigative matters. Matt draws on more than 15 years of experience across Capitol Hill, private practice, state government, and political campaigns to advise clients on leading-edge policy issues involving artificial intelligence, semiconductors, connected and autonomous vehicles, and other critical and emerging technologies.

Matt works with clients to develop and execute complex public policy initiatives that involve legal, political, and reputational risks. He regularly assists clients to:

Develop public policy strategies
Draft federal and state legislation and regulations
Analyze legislation, regulations, and other government initiatives
Craft testimony, regulatory comments, fact sheets, letters and other advocacy materials
Prepare company executives and other witnesses to testify before Congress, state legislatures, and regulatory bodies
Represent clients before Congress, the White House, federal agencies, state legislatures, and state regulatory agencies
Build and manage policy advocacy coalitions

He advises clients across multiple policy areas, including matters involving regulation of critical and emerging technologies like artificial intelligence, connected and autonomous vehicles, and semiconductors; national security; intellectual property; antitrust; financial services technologies (“fintech”); food and beverage regulation; COVID-19 pandemic response and recovery; and election administration and campaign finance.

Matt rejoined Covington after serving as Chief Counsel for the U.S. Senate Committee on Rules and Administration, where he advised Chairwoman Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) on all legal, policy, and oversight matters before the Committee. Most significantly, Matt staffed the Committee in passing the Electoral Count Reform Act – a landmark bipartisan law that updates the procedures for certifying and counting votes in presidential elections—and the Committee’s bipartisan joint investigation (with the Homeland Security Committee) into the security planning and response to the January 6, 2021 attack on the Capitol.

Both in Congress and at Covington, Matt has prepared dozens of corporate and nonprofit executives, academics, government officials, and presidential nominees for testimony at congressional committee hearings and depositions. He is a skilled legislative drafter who has composed dozens of bills and amendments introduced in Congress and state legislatures, including several that have been enacted into law across multiple policy areas. Matt also leads the firm’s state policy practice, advising clients on complex multistate legislative and regulatory matters and managing state-level advocacy efforts.

In addition to his policy work, as a member of Covington’s nationally recognized (Chambers Band 1) Election and Political Law Practice Group, Matt advises and represents clients on the full range of political law compliance and enforcement matters, including:

Federal election, campaign finance, lobbying, and government ethics laws
The Securities and Exchange Commission’s “Pay-to-Play” rule
Election and political laws of states and municipalities across the country

Before law school, Matt served in the administration of former Governor Deval Patrick (D-MA), where he worked on policy, communications, and compliance matters for federal economic recovery funding awarded to the state. He has also staffed federal, state, and local political candidates in Massachusetts and New Hampshire.

As the California Legislature’s 2025 session draws to a close, lawmakers have advanced over a dozen AI bills to the final stages of the legislative process, setting the stage for a potential showdown with Governor Gavin Newsom (D).  The AI bills, some of which have already passed both chambers, reflect

Continue Reading California Lawmakers Advance Suite of AI Bills

On September 10, Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee Chair Ted Cruz (R-TX) released what he called a “light-touch” regulatory framework for federal AI legislation, outlining five pillars for advancing American AI leadership.  In parallel, Senator Cruz introduced the Strengthening AI Normalization and Diffusion by Oversight and eXperimentation (“SANDBOX”) Act

Continue Reading Senator Cruz Unveils AI Framework and Regulatory Sandbox Bill

As the California Legislature’s 2025 session draws to a close, lawmakers have advanced over a dozen AI bills to the final stages of the legislative process, setting the stage for a potential showdown with Governor Gavin Newsom (D).  The AI bills, some of which have already passed both chambers, reflect

Continue Reading California Lawmakers Advance Suite of AI Bills

On July 23, the White House released its AI Action Plan, outlining the key priorities of the Trump Administration’s AI policy agenda.  In parallel, President Trump signed three AI executive orders directing the Executive Branch to implement the AI Action Plan’s policies on “Preventing Woke AI in

Continue Reading Trump Administration Issues AI Action Plan and Series of AI Executive Orders

Federal legislation to “pause” state artificial intelligence regulations will not become law—for now—after the Senate stripped the measure from the budget reconciliation package, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (H.R. 1).

The Senate voted 99–1 to strike the moratorium language from the bill during a marathon 27-hour “vote-a-rama” on July 1. The Senate voted 51–50, with Vice President J.D. Vance breaking the tie, to pass the bill (without the moratorium) and send it back to the House.  The House passed the Senate-amended bill on July 3 by a vote of 218–214, with all Democrats and two Republicans voting against.  President Trump signed the bill into law on July 4.

Continue Reading Senate Nixes State AI Enforcement Moratorium, For Now

On June 17, the Joint California Policy Working Group on AI Frontier Models (“Working Group”) issued its final report on frontier AI policy, following public feedback on the draft version of the report released in March.  The report describes “frontier models” as the “most capable” subset of foundation models, or

Continue Reading California Frontier AI Working Group Issues Final Report on Frontier Model Regulation

In a surprise move, Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough ruled that a proposed moratorium on state and local AI laws satisfies the Byrd Rule, the requirement that reconciliation bills contain only budgetary provisions and omit “extraneous” policy language.  While MacDonough’s determination allows the Senate Commerce Committee’s version of the moratorium to

Continue Reading Senate Parliamentarian Clears Revised State AI Enforcement Moratorium for Reconciliation Bill, But Passage Remains in Doubt

On June 3, President Donald Trump sent a package of $9.4 billion in rescissions to Congress for expedited consideration under Section 1017 of the Impoundment Control Act (ICA) of 1974. The House of Representatives reportedly plans to introduce, debate, and pass a bill to implement the President’s proposed rescissions as soon as next week. The Senate would have until mid-July to send the bill to the President for his signature.  While previous presidents have proposed rescissions, Congress has never fully deployed the ICA’s procedures to rescind appropriated funds.  Because the ICA provides a statutory limit on debate for rescissions bills in the Senate, the recissions process could be a powerful tool for a Congress and a President—when both chambers and the White House are under single-party control—to cut discretionary spending.

The Impoundment Control Act and Rescission Procedure

Congress adopted the ICA in 1974 to limit executive branch authority to decline to spend (“impound”) congressionally appropriated funds.  Until the Nixon Administration, presidents generally viewed appropriation levels as “ceilings” on permissible spending.  If a project came in under budget, an executive branch agency could simply return the leftover funds to the Treasury.  Presidents Truman and Nixon both used this impoundment power aggressively.  The ICA codified an assertion that spending of congressionally appropriated funds was not optional, requiring the president to send a “special message” to Congress specifying the amount of the proposed recission and the justification for why the funds should not be spent, before withholding funds. If Congress does not pass legislation to approve the President’s recommendation within 45 legislative days, the executive branch must then spend the funds and the President may not propose to rescind them again. 

The ICA specifically limits debate on rescissions bills on the Senate floor to 10 hours, meaning these measures are not subject to the Senate filibuster and may become law if passed by a simple majority vote in both chambers.  A rescissions bill can be amended, but amendments must be germane. If a rescissions measure passes through both chambers of Congress within 45 days of the president’s transmission of the special message, the president may impound the funds.

Congress has never in the 51-year history of the ICA deployed these procedures in full.  Instead, Congress can, and often does, rescind funding through ordinary legislation (including annual appropriations bills that are subject to the Senate filibuster, and budget reconciliation bills, which are not).  In several instances, the Senate has also approved rescission bills by unanimous consent, bypassing the filibuster but also skipping the ICA procedure.

History and Precedent

According to the Congressional Research Service, four presidents have submitted rescissions packages under Section 1017 of the ICA, but the procedure has never successfully been used on a partisan basis. Presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter used the rescission authority ten times, but those rescissions were not controversial and passed the Senate by unanimous consent. George H.W. Bush submitted $7.9 billion in rescissions in 1992, which also passed on an overwhelmingly bipartisan basis, with 404 votes in the House and 90 votes in the Senate. In his first term, President Trump proposed $15 billion in rescissions. The measure narrowly passed the House, 210 votes to 206, but failed in the Senate, 48 votes to 50. Consequently, Section 1017 has never successfully been used to rescind funds on a partisan basis. In current case, the President’s proposal would rescind funding from bills signed by his predecessor.

Continue Reading Trump Rescissions May Revive Dormant Process to Fast Track Spending Cuts

House Republicans have passed through committee a nationwide, 10-year moratorium on the enforcement of state and local laws and regulations that impose requirements on AI and automated decision systems.  The moratorium, which would not apply to laws that promote AI adoption, highlights the widening gap between a wave of new

Continue Reading House Republicans Push for 10-Year Moratorium on State AI Laws

On April 3, the White House Office of Management and Budget (“OMB”) released two memoranda with AI guidance and requirements for federal agencies, Memorandum M-25-21 on Accelerating Federal Use of AI through Innovation, Governance, and Public Trust (“OMB AI Use Memo“) and Memorandum M-25-22 on Driving Efficient Acquisition of Artificial Intelligence in Government (“OMB AI Procurement Memo”).  According to the White House’s fact sheet, the OMB AI Use and AI Procurement Memos (collectively, the “new OMB AI Memos”), which rescind and replace OMB memos on AI use and procurement issued under President Biden’s Executive Order 14110 (“Biden OMB AI Memos”), shift U.S. AI policy to a “forward-leaning, pro-innovation, and pro-competition mindset” that will make agencies “more agile, cost-effective, and efficient.”  The new OMB AI Memos implement President Trump’s January 23 Executive Order 14179 on “Removing Barriers to American Leadership in Artificial Intelligence” (the “AI EO”), which directs the OMB to revise the Biden OMB AI Memos to make them consistent with the AI EO’s policy of “sustain[ing] and enhance[ing] America’s global AI dominance.” 

Overall, the new OMB AI Memos build on the frameworks established under President Trump’s 2020 Executive Order 13960 on “Promoting the Use of Trustworthy Artificial Intelligence in the Federal Government” and the Biden OMB AI Memos.  This is consistent with the AI EO, which noted that the Administration would “revise” the Biden AI Memos “as necessary.”  At the same time, the new OMB AI Memos include some significant differences from the Biden OMB’s approach in the areas discussed below (as well as other areas).

  • Scope & Definitions.  The OMB AI Use Memo applies to “new and existing AI that is developed, used, or acquired by or on behalf of covered agencies,” with certain exclusions for the Intelligence Community and the Department of Defense.  The memo defines “AI” by reference to Section 238(g) of the John S. McCain National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019.  Like the Biden OMB AI Memos, the OMB AI Use Memo states that “no system should be considered too simple to qualify as covered AI due to a lack of technical complexity.”

    The OMB AI Procurement Memo applies to “AI systems or services that are acquired by or on behalf of covered agencies,” excluding the Intelligence Community, and includes “data systems, software, applications, tools, or utilities” that are “established primarily” for researching, developing, or implementing AI or where an “AI capability” is integrated into another process, operational activity, or technology system.  The memo excludes AI that is “embedded” in “common commercial products” that are widely available for commercial use and have “substantial non-AI purposes or functionalities,” along with AI “used incidentally by a contractor” during contract performance.  In other words, the policies are targeted at software that is primarily used for its AI capabilities, rather than on software that happens to incorporate AI.
Continue Reading OMB Issues First Trump 2.0-Era Requirements for AI Use and Procurement by Federal Agencies