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Matthieu Coget

Matthieu Coget advises multinational companies and governments on EU public policy, trade, and energy matters. With a strong background in general EU law and procedure, he provides strategic advice to clients in a changing regulatory environment.

Matthieu’s practice encompasses all aspects of EU policymaking and legislative advocacy, particularly in regulating the food and beverage, technology, and industrial sectors, along with EU trade, energy, and economic security policies.

On 12 March, the European Commission responded to the imposition of new U.S. tariffs on EU steel and aluminum imports.  The Commission pledged to implement “swift and proportionate countermeasures on U.S. imports into the EU,” signaling a firm stance while leaving the door open for future negotiations.

Announced Countermeasures under the Enforcement Regulation

The EU’s response is made up of two measures:

  1. The reinstatement of 2018 and 2020 EU additional ad valorem duties on certain U.S. imports (“Old Rebalancing Measures”):  In 2018, the first Trump Administration introduced 25% and 10% tariffs on EU steel and aluminum exports, respectively, under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962.  As a response, the EU adopted a list of additional ad valorem duties on certain U.S. imports.  In 2020, the first Trump Administration extended the tariffs to cover certain steel and aluminum derivative products.  The EU then adopted a broader list of additional ad valorem duties on certain U.S. imports.  Adopted under the Enforcement Regulation, these Old Rebalancing Measures were designed to maximize political pressure on the first Trump Administration to rescind its tariffs.  They were suspended in 2023 following an agreement with the Biden Administration.

    As the suspension of the Old Rebalancing Measures expires automatically on 31 March, the Commission will reimpose them.  These Old Rebalancing Measures cover approximately €8 billion worth of EU imports from the U.S., intended to be proportionate to addressing the economic damage inflicted by the U.S. tariffs, and concern products ranging from boats to bourbon to motorbikes.

  2. New EU measures under Article 5 of the Enforcement Regulation (“New Rebalancing Measures”):  In response to the fresh U.S. tariffs impacting another €18 billion of EU exports, the Commission now plans to roll out new or additional ad valorem duties under Article 5 of the Enforcement Regulation (see the suggested product list).  A stakeholder consultation is open for comment from 12–26 March, gathering input from affected industries.  Following this, the Commission will draft an implementing act and consult Member States through the comitology procedure (as provided by the Enforcement Regulation).  The implementing act is scheduled to take effect mid-April, bringing the total value of U.S. exports potentially impacted by the Old and New Rebalancing Measures to €26 billion.

Continue Reading EU’s Reaction to New U.S. Tariffs on Steel and Aluminum

On March 5, 2025, the European Commission published the Industrial Action Plan for the European Automotive Sector. This plan outlines measures to strengthen the competitiveness of the European automotive industry and to accelerate the transition to zero-emission mobility in the EU.  This plan is the result of the “Strategic Dialogue” that has been taking place in Brussels in the last month between vehicle manufacturers in the EU and EU officials.  The plan announces a catalogue of initiatives to be adopted by the Commission, but the expected timelines and the interplay between different initiatives is not always clear.  This blog summarizes some of the initiatives likely to be relevant to stakeholders in the EU automotive industry—particularly those in the electric vehicle (“EV”) supply chain.Continue Reading European Commission Publishes Automotive Industrial Action Plan

From January to June 2025, Poland will hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union, presenting an ambitious agenda organized around the concept of security to tackle some of the EU’s most pressing challenges. This blog outlines the announced focus areas for technology, trade, defense, and ESG. Each of these topics is pivotal to ensuring the EU’s competitiveness, resilience, and sustainability in an increasingly complex global landscape.

Technology: Driving Innovation and Digital Transformation

The EU’s technological landscape is at a crossroads, driven by competition with the U.S. and China, and regulatory reforms such as the Digital Markets Act and the AI Act. The Polish Presidency will advance digital resilience by focusing on cybersecurity and AI governance. It commits to “promote the strengthening of European AI research, development and competence centres across the EU and support EU activities for entrepreneurs implementing disruptive technologies.” Poland also pledges to develop a “a comprehensive and horizontal approach to cybersecurity” by holding “a discussion on best practices in Member States on investing in cybersecurity” and creating a “new EU cybersecurity strategy.”

The EU-U.S. Trade and Technology Council (TTC), which has facilitated transatlantic cooperation, faces uncertain prospects under evolving political landscapes. If disbanded, new bilateral arrangements like a UK-EU TTC may emerge. In technology diplomacy, the EU will likely prioritize collaborations on export control, investment screening, and dual-use technologies with allies​, including the U.S.

Trade: Enhancing Competitiveness and Reducing Dependencies

The EU’s trade policy faces heightened complexities in balancing openness with economic security. Amidst Russia’s destabilizing actions and the economic decoupling from China, the Polish Presidency prioritizes reinforcing the EU’s economic sovereignty. Enhancements to the EU Customs Union and trade components of the Association Agreements with Ukraine and Moldova are expected, aligning economic cooperation with strategic resilience.Continue Reading “Security, Europe!” Priorities of the Polish Presidency of the EU Council

As the world anticipates the return of Donald Trump to the White House, the European Union (“EU”) braces for significant impacts in various sectors. The first Trump administration’s approach to transatlantic relations was characterized by unpredictability, tariffs on imported goods, a strained NATO relationship, and withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and the Paris climate agreement. If past is prologue, the EU must prepare for a renewed era of uncertainty and potential adversarial policies.

Trade Relations

Trump’s self-proclaimed identity as a “tariff man” suggests that trade policies would once again be at the forefront of his administration’s priorities. His campaign promises, which include imposing global tariffs on all goods from all countries in the range of 10 % to 20%, signal a departure from traditional U.S. trade policies. Such measures could have severe repercussions for the EU, both directly through increased tariffs on its exports and indirectly via an influx of dumped products from other affected nations, particularly China. Broad-based tariffs of this nature would likely provoke retaliatory measures from the EU.

The EU’s response toolkit would likely mirror many of the actions it employed between 2018 and 2020 in reaction to U.S. tariffs imposed during the first Trump administration. These measures would include retaliation on U.S. products to maximize political pressure by targeting Trump-supporting constituencies, pursuing chosen legal challenges against the U.S. at the World Trade Organization, and implementing safeguards to shield the EU market from an influx of Chinese and other diverted goods following U.S. tariff hikes. Very practically, the EU has suspended tariffs on US exports of steel and aluminum to its market worth €2.8 billion. The suspension expires on 1 March 2025, requiring an active decision on whether to reintroduce them or not.

In executing these measures, the EU is expected to collaborate with allies such as the UK, Canada, Japan, Australia, and South Korea to amplify its response. The EU may also explore smaller trade agreements or informal “packages” with the U.S. as part of a negotiated tariff truce. Broader protective measures could also be pursued, focusing on subsidies and industrial policies aimed at strengthening Europe’s strategic sectors, beyond actions specific to the U.S. Some cooperation with the U.S. on China may also be possible in areas like export control, investment control, and dual-use technologies.Continue Reading Policy Implications for Europe Under a Second Trump Administration

On 18 November 2024, the International Energy Agency (“IEA”) published a detailed 163-page Report titled “Recycling of Critical Minerals: Strategies to Scale Up Recycling and Urban Mining” (the “Report”). The Report emphasizes the importance of recycling in securing the supply of essential minerals – such as copper, lithium

Continue Reading Regulatory Insights from the IEA’s New Report on Recycling Critical Raw Materials

On 29 June 2024, the Net-Zero Industry Act (“NZIA”) entered into force.  The primary aim of the NZIA is to ensure that the EU has access to secure and sustainable net-zero technologies by scaling up their manufacturing capacity within the EU.

Here are the key takeaways:

  • The NZIA focuses on 19 Net-Zero Technologies (“NZTs”), including renewable fuels of non-biological origin (“RFNBOs”), solar, wind, nuclear, batteries, and carbon capture and carbon storage technologies.  The Regulation sets non-binding benchmarks for 40% local production of such technologies by 2030 and 15% global market share by 2040.  
  • To reach those benchmarks, Net-Zero Technologies Manufacturing Projects (“NZT Manufacturing Projects”) will benefit from streamlined permitting procedures.  Further, NZT Manufacturing Projects that are deemed “strategic” will benefit from expedited permitting timelines.
  • The NZIA introduces a target of achieving an annual injection capacity of at least 50 million tons of CO2 by 2030.  Oil and gas producers identified by Member States must contribute to this target, according to a proportion to be defined by the Commission for each individual producer.  Member States must adopt penalties for non-compliance.
  • National public procurement procedures for NZTs must include requirements for achieving a minimum level of environmental sustainability, to be set out in future implementing regulations.  In addition, for any given public contract having NZTs as part of their subject matter, the contracting authorities and entities must consider the project’s so-called “resilience contribution”, which relates to supply chain diversification.  When the majority (or a near majority) of a specific NZT (or any of its main components) originates from a third country, the contracting authority or entity must impose specific public procurement conditions to reduce dependency on that country. Auctions to deploy renewable energy sources and schemes that incentivize households, companies, and consumers to purchase NZT final products must also be designed to favor bidders that contribute to increasing the sustainability and resilience of the supply of NZTs within the EU.
  • Auctions to deploy renewable energy sources and schemes that incentivize households, companies, and consumers to purchase NZT final products must also be designed to favor bidders that contribute to increasing the sustainability and resilience of the supply of NZTs within the EU.
  • Member States may establish regulatory sandboxes, i.e., schemes enabling companies to test technologies in a controlled real-world environment under monitoring by a competent authority.

Continue Reading The EU Net-Zero Industry Act enters into force

On 23 May 2024, the EU’s Critical Raw Materials Act (“CRMA”) entered into force.  The Regulation’s adoption within just one year after it was first proposed in March 2023 signals the EU’s political commitment to strengthen Europe’s strategic autonomy on the supply of Strategic Raw Materials (“SRMs”) and the broader category of “Critical Raw Materials” (“CRMs”).   

Here are the key takeaways for companies:

  • The CRMA sets non-binding capacity targets within the EU for the extraction, processing, refining, and recycling of SRMs that are key to achieve the green and digital transition.
  • To reach such targets, the CRMA empowers the European Commission (“the Commission”) to recognize projects that extract, process, refine or recycle SRMs, including projects outside the EU, as Strategic Projects (“SPs”) so that they may benefit from easier access to financing, expedited permitting process, and matchmaking with off-takers.  The Commission is expected to recognize the first SPs by the end of 2024.
  • The Commission must monitor disruption risks and propose mitigation measures, if needed, to ensure a secure supply of CRMs.  To enable the Commission to do this effectively, companies may be subject to new specific obligations, such as participating in surveys, carrying out risk assessments of SRMs supply chains, mitigating possible vulnerabilities, reporting on the implementation and the financing of their SPs, labelling some products, and recycling a minimum content of permanent magnets.  
  • The Commission will also create and operate a Joint Purchasing Mechanism to aggregate the demand of interested EU off-takers consuming SRMs and seek offers from suppliers to match that aggregated demand.

Critical and Strategic Raw Materials and Capacity Targets

SRMs are indispensable raw materials for strategic sectors that facilitate transition to a greener, digital economy.  They are characterized by high forecasted demand growth and significant challenges in scaling up production in Europe to meet such demand.  Annex I to the CRMA lists 17 SRMs, including copper, gallium, lithium, manganese, and titanium metal.Continue Reading The EU Critical Raw Materials Act enters into force

In early March, the EU released its first-ever European Defence Industrial Strategy (EDIS), accompanied by a proposed regulation establishing the European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP). The aim is to boost defence capabilities in Europe through greater and more efficient spending. In particular, the strategy seeks to reverse recent trends, whereby 78% of defence acquisitions by EU countries since Russia’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine were made with non-EU producers, with U.S. firms accounting for 63%. It also addresses recent concerns by the defence industry over ESG constraints on obtaining private financing.

The ultimate benchmark for success, as recounted by one EU foreign minister, is whether these measures will help deter Russia and other adversaries. Nonetheless, it reflects greater operational focus of the EU on defence and security issues, and what in practice the European Commission and other EU institutions can do to bolster capabilities in a policy area that will remain the primary prerogative of EU Member States.

Plugging Defence Gaps

Since the end of the Cold War, European defence has suffered from perennial underinvestment and lack of policy support for the defence industry. Whereas Europe collectively spent on defence over half of the U.S. totals in the early 1990s, it now spends about one-third compared to the United States—arguably at a time of much greater security threats to Europe compared to America. There are simply not enough soldiers, tanks, planes, ships, missiles, guns, and ammunition in Europe, nor domestic facilities to produce the necessary weapons systems and materiel. Moreover, EU countries have procured defence products at a national level, exacerbating fragmentation within the European market. This fragmentation has led to the creation of national industrial silos and numerous defence systems that often lack interoperability.Continue Reading Mobilizing Greater Defence Capabilities in Europe: the EU’s Defence Industrial Strategy

In previous blogs, we have written about the EU-China relationship and how the EU was increasingly focused on delivering its policy of Strategic Autonomy. We are beginning to see the concrete implementation of this strategic intent, with the EU Commission approving a €902 million German State aid measure to support the construction of an electric vehicle battery production plant.  As Margrethe Vestager, EVP for Competition Policy noted, this is the first individual aid to have been approved under the Temporary Crisis and Transition Framework since March 2023 and its approval will keep the battery plant in the EU, rather than it moving to the US.

And the EU is planning to take further measures to enhance and protect its economic security in pursuit of the goal of strategic autonomy. On December 10, the Commission unveiled its Agenda outlining for items to be addressed in early 2024. Of note is the European Economic Security Package (EESP), due for discussion on 24 January.

It had been planned to adopt the EESP by the end of 2023.  However, its adoption faced delays due to Member States’ concerns about ceding authority to Brussels in an area traditionally reserved for national competence. For its part, the Commission argues that a “Europeanization” of the EU trade rules was required to ensure consistency across the bloc following decisions by various Member States to issue their own trade measures (for example, on export controls).

Although full details of the EESP have not yet been released, key components of the EESP will include a revision of the Foreign Direct Investment Screening Regulation and an initiative regulating outbound investments. The Agenda for 24 January also includes a non-binding Communication restricting export of dual-use items.Continue Reading The European Economic Security Package